Notes for Cicero ORATIO PHILIPPICA PRIMA

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PHILIPPICS
CICERO
M. TULLI CICERONIS IN M. ANTONIUM
ORATIO PHILIPPICA PRIMA

Basic idea of ensoniment of classical texts presents both tasks for philosophical programmers and new places for philosophy to happen.

(1-2) In that temple I laid, to the best of my power, the foundations of peace, and recalled the old precedent of the Athenians; I even adopted the Greek phrase [amnestia or adeia] which that State employed in mitigation of discord, and proposed that every memory of discord should be blotted out in everlasting oblivion [omnem memoriam discordiarum oblivione sempiterna delendam censui]. The speech Marcus Antonius made that day was a noble one; his good will too was conspicuous; in a word, it was through him and his sons that peace was established with our most illustrious citizens.
And with these beginnings the sequel agreed. To the deliberations he held at his house on public affairs he invited the chief men of the State; to his our body he made the most favorable reports; nothing then but what was known to all men being found in Caius Caesar's note-books; with the greatest decision [summa constantia] he replied to the questions put to him.
(3) He even wished us to assent to the motion of Servius Sulpicius, a man of great distinction, that from the Ides of March no notice of any decree or grant of Caesar's should be posted [figeretur].
(6) For look you: on the Kalends of June, on which they had summoned us to sit, all was changed: nothing was done through the Senate, much--and that important--was done through the people, and in the absence of the people and against its will. [this is confusing: true democracy, or mob rule?]
(8) from whom I first heard of Marcus Antonius' harangue [contionem]; and this so pleased me that, when I had read it, I first began to think of return.
(11) I will now, before I begin to speak on public affairs, make a brief complaint of the wrong done me yesterday by Antonius, whose friend I am and, because of certain good offices I owe him, have ever so professed myself.
(13) Do you think, Conscript Fathers, that I would have supported the decree you unwillingly passed, that a sacrifice in honor of the dead should be confused with thanksgivings? that religious taints incapable of expiation should be introduced into the State? (..) yet I could not have been induced to associate any dead man with the religion of the Immortal Gods so that a public thanksgiving should be made for him while a tomb existed anywhere at which offerings could be made.
(14) Am I permitted to speak of the remaining ills of the State? I permit, and shall always permit, myself to protect my reputation, to despise death. Only let me have the power of coming into this place, the peril of speaking I do not shrink from.
(18) If you were to inquire of Caesar himself what were his acts in the city and as a civilian, he would reply that he had introduced many excellent laws; but his memoranda [chirographa] he would either alter, or would not produce, or if he had produced them he would not regard them as among his acts. [Cicero is fighting against a method of interpretation that today we take for granted, thanks due in part to Heidegger's reading of Nietzsche!] But of these points I concede: at some I even connive [coniveo] [??]; but in respect of the most important things, that is, his laws, I think it intolerable the acts of Caesar should be rescinded. [so it was not so much the notebooks positive additions, but what might be altered that had already been made law through due process by the living man.]
(19) And do you defend the acts of Caesar, you that upset his laws? Unless perhaps if he put down anything in a note-book to assist his memory, that will be counted among his acts, and--however unfair and useless it may be--will be defended, but what he proposed to the people of the Comita of Centuries will not be regarded as among the acts of Caesar.
(23) And what of this, that those laws of Caesar's are in part altered which declare that he who is convicted of riot, and also he who is convicted of treason, shall be refused water and fire?
(27) But I will make a proposal, a fair one, I think: I do not imagine Marcus Antonius will reject it. For myself, if I say anything insulting against his life or his character, I will not object to his becoming my most bitter enemy; but if I hold by my constant practice, that is, if I speak freely my opinions on public affairs, first of all I deprecate his anger; secondly, if I fail here, I beg him to be angry with me as with a fellow-citizen. Let him employ an armed guard if it be necessary, as he says, for self-defence; but do not let that guard hurt those who express their own opinions on behalf of the State.
(31) (..) when your little son was sent by you into the Capitol as a hostage of peace!
(32) (..) so you, on account of the hatred felt for one dictator, have utterly abolished the title of dictator [nomen dictatoris funditus sustulisti].
(33) Whence therefore came suddenly that great change? I cannot be brought to suspect that you had been seduced by greed. (..) Sometimes, no doubt, those of his own household [Fulvia] corrupt a man; but I know your strength of will.
(33) What I more fear is this--that, blind to glory's true path, you may think it glorious to possess in your single self more power than all, and to be feared by your fellow-citizens [ne ignorans verum iter gloriae gloriosum putes plus te unum posse quam omnes et metui a civibus tuis]. [that is, that he ignores the game-rule to seek glory, and simply wants power and pleasure-licious..] If you think so, you are totally blind to the true way of glory. To be a citizen dear to all, to deserve well of the State, to be praised, courted, loved, is glorious; but to be feared and an object of hatred is invidious, detestable, a proof of weakness and decay [metui vero et in odio esse invidiosum, detestabile, inbecillum, caducum.] We see this even in the play: the very man who said "Let them hate, so that they fear," found that it was fatal [Accius' Atreus]. Would, Marcus Antonius, you had remembered your grandfather! though of him you have heard much from me, and that very often. Do you think that he would have wised to earn immortality by being feared for his ability to keep an armed guard? To him life, to him prosperous fortune, was equality in liberty with the rest, the first place in honor. Accordingly, to say nothing of your grandfather's good fortunes, I would prefer that last most bitter day of his life to the domination of Lucius Cinna, by whom he was most cruelly slain.
(35) But how shall I turn you by what I say? [Sed quid oratione te flectam?] For if the end of Caius Caesar cannot induce you to prefer affection to fear, no words of any man will either profit or prevail. Those that hink he was happy are themselves wretched. No one is happy who holds his life on such terms that he may be slain, not only with impunity, but even to the greatest glory of his slayer. Wherefore turn, I pray you, and look back on your ancestors, and so direct the State that your fellow-citizens may rejoice that you were born: without that it is wholly impossible for any man to be happy, or illustrious, or safe.
(36) For what mean the shouts of numberless citizens at the gladiotorial shows? what mean popular broadsheets [populi versus]?
(36) But perhaps you thought it was Accius that was applauded and sixty years afterwards awarded the prize, and not Brutus--not the man to whom, though not present at the games he himself exhibited, the Roman people in that most elaborate spectacle were yet paying the tribute of their zeal in his absence, and soothing their regret for their liberator with continued applause and shouts. [so the games are okay to Cicero, whose moral sensitivity gravitates around these matters instead? or simply unthought, habit, etc.?]
(38) do you not decipher the meaning of this? Again: think you they do no reflect on the doings of your lives, when lives which they hope will serve the State are so dear to them? [Quid? eos de vestra vita cogitare non censetis, quibus eorum, quos sperant rei publicae consulturos, vita tam cara sit?]
(39) For myself, the time past of my life is well-nigh enough, whether for years or for fame: should that life be lengthened, it will be lengthened not so much for myself, but for you, and for the commonwealth.

INTRODUCTION TO PHILIPPIC II
AFTER the delivery by Cicero on the 2nd of September of the first Philippic, Antonius, as Cicero says (Phil. 5. 5), "threatened him with his enmity, and commanded him to be present in the Senate on the 19th." The intervening time Antonius spent in Scipio's villa at Tibur in getting up his reply. On the 19th he came into the Temple of Concord, as Ciceros says (Phil. 5. 7), "in battle array." The orator was himself not present, for, as he declares in the same speech, "if his friends had allowed him to attend, Antonius would have begun a massacre with him, for so he had determined." Antonius' speech was a furious tirade, a speech in which, as Cicero writes to Cassius (ad Fam. 12. 2), "he seemed to all men to be, in his usual fashion, rather spewing than speaking." He charged Cicero with "the murder of the Catilinarians, the assassination of Clodius, the rupture between Caesar and Pompey. This invective strove to unite against him every faction in the State; and, above all, it denounced him to the veterans as the real contriver of their hero's destruction": Mer. Rom. Rep. C. 15; see also the letter to Cassius. "He poured all his drunken frenzy on my single head," writes Cicero to Cornificius (ad Fam. 12. 15), "but I cast him, belching and full of nausea, into the toils of Caesar Octavianus."
In October Cicero retired to the country, and composed the famous second Philippic. It purports to be an immediate reply to Anonius on Sept. 19;

[suggests a page break, contrary to my convention of labelling quotes spanning a page break as ( n - n ), ensuring (given this transgression's 'logic' as common knowledge) we could start from there/here..]

(62) but it was, in fact, never spoken, being published about the end of November before the delivery of the third and fourth Philippics, when Antonius had left Rome for Cisalpine Gaul. In the meantime it had been submitted in draft to the criticism of Atticus (ad Att. 16. 11), and had been handed round among Cicero's friends.

So who more is the villian: Antony, or Octavian? And is there a dimension of argumentation where we might include, in the list, Cicero himself as a villian?

(62) It consists of two divisions, one defensive (cc. 2-17), in which Cicero replies to Antonius' charges; and the other offensive, a scathing denunciation of Antonius' private and public life since boyhood. The orator had now flung down before Antonius the gage of battle: the issue in future was the the life of Antonius or his own. The Fates decided against him. On the formation of the Second Triumvirate, "one of the basest compacts was made that was ever entered into by men," whereby victims were reciprocally surrendered to the enmity of the others, and in accordance therewith Cicero was surrendered to the fury of Antonius by Octavian, the man who had addressed Cicero as "his father." Put upon the proscription lists, he was murdered at Caieta on December 7, 43 B.C., by one C. Popilius Laenas, a man whom the great advocate had successfully defended on a criminal charge, and who yet, with the basest ingratitude, had, according to Valerius Maximus (5. 3. 4), solicited from Antonius the execution of the murder. For this he is said to have received, in addition to the advertised reward, the

1 Dio. (47. 11) adds a curious detail. "In order to win the credit of the murder, not merely by report, but by visual presentment, he placed his own bust near Cicero's head with a wreath on it, and an inscription stating his name and his achievement."

(63) sum of 250,00 Attic drachmas, or, in English money, over 8K£. "To blacken this monester," says the historian, "written words are weak." It required, as he says, another Cicero. The speech has, in all times and countries, been regarded as a masterpiece of eloquence and invective. Juvenal's reference to it (10. 120-6) is well known:--
"The hand of Genius, and the head, was lopped:
No puny pleader's blood hath e'ver besprent
The tribune. 'O Rome, in thy natal date
Fortunate when I was Consul!' Had his speech
Been all alike to this, he might have scorned
The swords of Antony. Give me the poems
That stir men's laughter rather than thy charm
Pre-eminent, divine Philippic, next
After the first unrolled!"

1 The invective is undoubted, but some readers may think that it degenerates not seldom into mere scolding. And of eloquence the speech (apart from the peroration) contains no such fine passages as are found in some of the other Philippics.

2 Because it had written the second Philippic.

3 An allusion to the orator's words (Phil. ii. 46): "Contempsi Catilinae gladios: non pertimescam tuos."


ORATIO PHILIPPICA SECUNDA

Audacity of producing in public a private letter.

(7) For what man, having only a slight knowledge of the customs of gentlemen, because of some offense in the meantime, ever produced in public a letter written to him by a friend and openly quoted it? What is this but to eradicate from life life's social intercourse, to eradicate the communion of friends in absence? How many jokes in letters which, if published, seem jejune! How many serious thoughts which nevertheless should in no way be divulged!
At enim litteras, quas me sibi misisse diceret, recitavit homo et humanitatis expers et vitae communis ignarus. Quis enim umquam, qui paulum modo bonorum consuetudinem nosset, litteras ad se ab amico missas offensione aliqua interposita in medium protulit palamque recitavit? Quid est aliud tollere ex vita vitae societatem, tollere amicorum conloquia absentium? Quam ioca solent esse in epistulis, quae prolata si sint, inepta videantur, quam multa seria neque tamen ullo modo divulganda!


Is the point that Antonius has scientam quaestuosam for handwriting an accusation, an insult, or what?

(8-9) But what reply would you make, pray, were I to deny I had ever written that letter to you? By what witness would you convict me? By handwriting? Of which you have a profitable knowledge [scientam quaestuosam]. How could you? It is in the hand of a secretary [librarii manu]. Here I envy your teacher who for so great a fee--its amount I will reveal presently--teaches you to have no sense. For what can be less proof, I do not say of an orator, but of a man, than to make such an objection to an adversary that, on a bare word of denial, the objector can proceed no further?
(11) That consulship, in name mine, Conscript Fathers, is in fact yours. For what did I establish, what policy did I adopt, what did I execute but on the advice, authority, opinion of this body?

[Overhead in a recent Ross Perot campaign commercial derived from the airwaves by an ordinary television instrument: ".. because you own this country."]

(17) For when nefarious conspirators to destroy their country were confessing, compelled as they were by the evidence of their accomplices, by their own handwriting, by letters which almost spoke aloud, that they had agreed to burn the city, to massacre the citizens, to lay waste Italy, and to wipe out the State, who would there be who would not be stirred to defend the common safety, especially when the Senate and Roman people possessed a leader such that, were his like now here, the same fate would have overtaken you as befell them?
(29-30) All therefore are to blame, for all good men, so far as their own power went, slew Caesar; some lacked a plan, others courage, others opportunity: will no man lacked. But regard the stupidity of the fellow, or--I should say--of the blockhead. For this is what he said: "Brutus, whom I name with respect, grasping his bloody dagger, shouted for Cicero; when it should be understood that he was an accomplice."
(31-32) Not murders therefore. It follows that in your judgment they are saviors, since indeed there can be no middle term. What is the matter? Do I disconcert you? For perhaps you do not sufficiently grasp what is put as a dilemma? Yet this is the gist of my conclusion: that, as they have been absolved by you from crime, by you too are they judged most worthy of the fullest rewards.
(35-36) But if any one were to drag you into court, and were to adopt that maxim of Cassius, "To whose advantage was it?" take care, I pray, you are not embarrassed. Although that deed was in fact, as you said, a gain for all men who repudiated slavery, yet for you it was especially so, who not only are not a slave, but even a king; (..) you, at whose house is a most lucrative factory of forged note-books and signatures, a most outrageous market for lands, towns, exemptions from taxation, revenues. For what could have alleviated your need and your debt save the death of Caesar? [adopting the maxim gives the accuser a tool with which to force the accused to confess?]
(38) And indeed it was a great thing that men who were at variance on the highest matters of State should retain an unbroken intimacy of friendship. I saw what his [Pompeius] feelings and objects were, and on the other hand he saw mine. I thought of the safety of the citizens first of all that we might afterwards think of their dignity; he rather of their present dignity.
(43) Two thousand acres of Leontine land you assigned to Sextus Clodius the rhetorician, and that exempt from taxes, so that, for such a fee paid by the Roman people, you might learn to be a fool. Was this too, you most audacious fellow, derived from Caesar's note-books?
(44) Would you have us then examine you from your boyhood? Yes, I think: let us set out from the beginning.
(45) No boy ever bought for libidinous purposes was ever so much in the power of his master as you were in Curio's.
(47) But let us now dismiss his whoredoms and outrages; there are some things I cannot speak of with decency; you, however, have greater freedom because the acts of which you have been guilty are such as you would never hear from the lips of a modest enemy. [XIX. Sed iam stupra et flagitia omittamus; sunt quaedam, quae honeste non possum dicere; tu autem eo liberior, quod ea in te admisisti, quae a verecundo inimico audire non posses.]
(48n) Sisapo was a town in Hispania Baetica where were cinnabar mines worked by a company.
(50) from this man's misdeeds you will find sprang the beginning of all our ills.
(51) While the race of men, while the name of the Roman people shall exist--and, if you permit it, it shall be everlasting--that deadly veto of yours will be spoken of.
(53) You, you, I say, it was, Marcus Antonius, who most of all gave Caius Caesar, aiming as he did at general confusion, a pretext for waging war against his country.
(53) no just cause whatever can exist for any man's taking up arms against his country.
(55) As then there is in seeds the principle of trees and plants, so of this most mournful war were you the seed.
(55) In a word, all we have seen afterwards--and what evil have we not seen?--if we shall reason rightly, we shall credit to Antonius alone. As Helen was to the Trojans, so that man has been to this State the cause of war, the cause of ruin and destruction.
(63) You with that gorge of yours, with those lungs, with that gladiatorial strength of your whole body, had swallowed so much wine at Hippias' wedding that you were forced to vomit in the sight of the Roman people the next day. Oh, the hideousness of it, not only to see, but even to hear of! If during the banquet, in the very midst of those enormous potations of yours, this had happened to you, who would not think it disgraceful? But at an assembly of the Roman people, while in the conduct of public business, a master of the horse, for whom it would be disgraceful to belch, vomited and filled his own lap and the whole tribunal with fragments of food reeking of wine.
(75) though policy may be originally blameable, steadfastness is laudable.
(79) But we speak too much of trifles: let us come to more weighty topics.
(81-82) Can anyone divine what flaw there will be in the auspices except the man that has determined to observe the heavens? But it is illegal to do this during an election; and he who has observed ought to make his report, not when the election has been made, but before it is begun. But his ignorance and his impudence are mixed up, and he does not know what an augur should know, or act as a modest man should. And so recall his consulship from that day up to the Ides of March. What lackey was ever so humble, so abject? He could do nothing himself: everything was a request; putting his head into the back of the litter he used to solicit his colleague for favors which he could market. [Quis umquam adparitor tam humilis, tan abiectus? Nihil ipse poterat, omnia rogabat, caput in aversam lecticam inserens beneficia, quae venderet, a collega petebat.]
(86) These words of mine, if you have any particle of feeling, these tear you, cut you to the heart.
(90) Heavens! What a man and how great you would have been had you been able to keep your resolution of that day! We should be enjoying the peace that was made through the hostage, a boy of good birth, the grandson of Marcus Bambalio. However it was fear--no steadfast teacher of duty--that made you good: what made you unprincipled was that which, in the absence of fear, never departs form you, audacity.
(92) The State seemed to others established, but by no means so to me, who feared shipwreck while you were at the wheel.
(92) the very empire of the Roman people has been diminished by this man's domestic market.

Classical appearance of the word computing translated as reckoning sums in context of inhumanity of Caeser to Deiotarus, itself presented in a text that tells the story of how Antony exploited private notebooks of Caesar to manipulate politics through information operations whose automation will mark the information age.

(94-95) For who was ever more hostile to any man than Caesar to Deiotarus? . . . Face to face with his host, he had called him to account; had reckoned the sums; had demanded the money; had settled one of his own Greek companions in his tetrarchy; had taken away Armenia, the gift of the Senate. [Compellarat hospitem praesens, computarat pecuniam, in eius tetrachia unum ex Graecis comitibus suis conlocarat, Armeniam abstulerat a senatu datam.] These things he took away in life, he returns them in death. But in what words? At one time "it seems fair," at another "not unfair." A wonderful conjunction of words!
(94n1) King of Galatia, an adherent of Pompeius. Caesar deprived him of part of his dominions, and was preparing to deprive him of the rest on a false charge brought against him by his grandson of plotting Caesar's death. Cicero defended him before Caesar in the speech Pro Rege Deiotaro. Antonius for a bribe contracted to restore him: see infra.
(96-97) He was a man; we indeed are to be despise, who hate the author, but defend his acts.
What am I to say of the endless notebooks, the innumerable autographs? Of which there are even hawkers to sell them openly as if they were gladiatorial programmes.
(101) Male and female mines, I say, Conscript Fathers, were planted on the Campanian land.
(101) To your doctor three thousand acres: what would he have got if he had made you sane? To your rhetorician, two: what if he had been able to make you eloquent?
(104-105) For Varro wished that house to be a retreat for his own studies, not for lust. What discussions formerly took place in that villa, what meditations! What thoughts were committed to writing! The laws of the Roman people, the memorials of antiquity, every system of philosophy and of learning. But in your tenancy--for no owner were you--the whole place rang with the voices of drunken men; the pavements swam with wine; the walls were wet; boys of free birth were consorting with those let for hire; harlots with mothers of families.
(108) But what a return was there then to Rome! What perturbation of the whole city! We remembered Cinna's excessive power, Sulla's domination afterward; lately we had seen the reign of Caesar. Then possibly there were swords, but they were hidden, and not very many. But what a barbaric display is this of yours! Sword in hand they follow him in battalions; of shields we see litterloads carried. And to all this, so habitual, Conscript Fathers, has it become, custom has rendered us callous.
(110) I ask you whether you are ignorant of what day this is.
(110) Either abolish altogether religious scruples, or maintain them on all occasions.
(111) as for you who defend the acts of Caesar, what excuse can you give for defending some, disregarding others? Unless perhaps you wish to confess that youmeasure all things by your own profit, not by Caesar's honor. [quid potes dicere, cur alia defendas, alia non cures? nisi forte vis fateri te omnia quaestu tuo, non illius dignitate metiri.]
(113) And the name of peace is sweet, and the thing itself wholesome, but between peace and servitude the difference is great. Peace is tranquil liberty, servitude the last of all evils, one to be repelled, not only by war but even by death.
(116) In him there was genius, calculation, memory, letters, industry, thought, diligence; he had done in war things, however calamitous to the State, yet at least great; having for many years aimed at a throne, he had by great labor, great dangers, achieved his object; by shows, buildings, largesses, banquets he had conciliated the ignorant crowd; his own followers he had bound to him by rewards, his adversaries by a show of clemency: in brief, he had already brought to a free community--partly by fear, partly by endurance--a habit of servitude.
(117) With him I can compare you in lust of domination, but in other things you are in no wise comparable.

Sounds like the personification of Species-being: I keep making discoveries when I go to read a Roman text, and have come to the conclusion that most Roman philosophy remains to this moment unthought; following the fantasized, ideal form of the Marxist dialectic, I begin first with my own particular case (see journal).

(118-119) Aye, and even my body will I gladly offer if the liberty of the State can be realized by my death, so that the anguish of the Roman people may some time bring to birth that which it has so long travailed. For if nearly twenty years ago in this very temple I said that death could come untimely to a consular, with how much greater truth I shall say it in old age! By me indeed, Conscript Fathers, death is even to be wished for, now that the honors are past. These two things only I pray for; one, that in my death I may leave the Roman people free--than this no greater gift can be given me by the immortal Gods--the other, that each man's fortune may be according to his deserts toward the State.

ORATIO PHILIPPICA TERTIA
(I.3) my eagerness covets, not merely victory, but also speedy decision [celeritatis].
(II.3-4) Caius Caesar (..) collected a very stout army of the invincible class of veterans, and lavished his patrimony--though I have not used the proper phrase; for he did not lavish it, he invested it in the salvation of the State. [militum comparavit patrimoniumque suum ecfudit; quamquam non sum usus eo verbo, quo debui; non enim ecfudit; in rei publicae salute conlocavit.]
(5) For this is my belief, this my judgment: had not a single youth withstood that madman's attack and most cruel attempts, the commonwealth would have utterly perished. On him indeed to-day, CF,--for we are now for the first time assembled with power, thanks to him, freely to utter our sentiments--we must confer authority to enable him to defend the commonwealth, as a charge not merely undertaken by him, but entrusted to him by us.
(III.6) [the Martian legion] Having decided, as it did, that Marcus Antonius was an enemy of the Roman people, it refused to be an ally of his madness; it abandoned a consul--it certainly would not have done that had it judged him to be a real consul--whom it saw to be aiming at, and striving for nothing but the slaughter of citizens and the destruction of the State.
(IV.9-10) Lucius Brutus did not brook a proud kind [Tarquin]; shall Decimus Brutus endure the reign of the accursed and impious Antonius? What single act did Tarquin do of the innumerable acts Antonius is both doing and has done? Even the kings had a Senate; and yet no armed barbarians were present in the king's council as when Antonius holds a Senate. The kings observed the auspices, which this consul and augur has neglected, not only by proposing laws in defiance of the auspices, but also with that very colleague joining in the proposal whose election he had annulled by falsifying the auspices. Again, what king was so signally shameless as to regard all the interests, the grants, the laws of the kingdom as objects of sale? What exemption, what citizenship, what reward, has not this man sold, either to individuals, or to States, or to whole provinces? We have heard of Tarquin nothing mean, nothing sordid; but at this man's house amid the women's work-baskets gold used to be weighed, moneys counted; in one man's house all those whose concern it was used to traffic with the whole empire of the Roman people [nundinabantur--notice how the dictionary presents this passage: "totum imperium populi R., Phil. 3, 10"].
(V.12) But while all slavery is wretched, it is especially intolerable to be slaves of a man debauched, immodest, effeminate, even when in fear never sober.
(12) And of a truth you ought not to have thought Marcus Antonius a consul after the Lupercalia. For on the day when, before the eyes of the Roman people, he harangued while naked, anointed, and drunk, and aimed at placing a diadem on his colleague's head--on that day he abdicated, not his consulship only, but also his freedom; for he himself would certainly have been at once a slave had Caesar been willing to accept the tokens of royalty. [unthought prima facie (..) this sentiment: did MA crown Caesar knowing he could capitalize upon C's assassination?]
(VI.14) Wherefore I shall summarise the whole question by recording my vote--not, I perceive, against your wishes--that authority be given by us to most eminent generals, and hope of reward held out to most gallant soldiers, and that Antonius, not by words, but by deeds, may be adjudged to be not merely no consul, but also a public enemy. For if that man is consul the legions that have deserted the consul have deserved death by the cudgel, Caesar is a criminal, Brutus is a villain, who of their own motion have levied armies to oppose a consul.
(15) But how insulting he is in his edicts! How boorish! How ignorant! First of all he has heaped on Caesar abuse culled from the recollection of his own indecency and licentiousness. For who is chaster than this young man? Who more modest? What brighter example among youth have we of old-world purity? [veteris sanctitatis]
(15) Mark how all of us who come from country boroughs are looked down upon--I mean absolutely all; for how few of us do not so come?
(16) He [Bambalio] was the contemptible fellow in the world, who, by the hesitancy of his speech, and the dullness of his mind, got a name by way of a jibe. [Nihil illo contemptius, qui propter haesitantiam linguae stuporemque cordis cognomen ex contumelia traxerit.] "But his grandfather was noble." That Tuditanus you mean, of course, who in tragic robe and buskins used from the Rostra to scatter coins among the people.
(VII.17-18) He also abuses Quintus Cicero, my brother's son, in his edict, and the madman does not perceive that his naming him is a recommendation. (..) But the gladiator has even dared to say in writing that Quintus had plotted the murder of his father and his uncle. What marvelous impudence, audacity, and recklessness! To dare to make the charge in writing..
(VIII.19) But what did he do himself? When he had issued all these edicts he gave notice that there should be a full meeting of the Senate on the 24th of November. On that day he himself was absent. But what was the character of his notice? These are, I think, the words at the end: "If anyone is not present, all men will be able to regard him as one who advocates both my destruction and the most abandoned counsels."
(19) For of your destruction what loyal citizen would not be the advocate, seeing that in that consisted the safety and the life of every loyal man and the liberty and dignity of the Roman people?
(20) But, after calling us together by so violent an edict, why was he himself not present? Do you think it was because of some sad and serious matter? He was detained by a drinking-bout and a feast--if that should be called a feast rather than a tavern blow-out--and failed to come up to the appointed day; he postponed the Senate till the 28th of November.
(21) When he does not venture to make a motion about the man who was marching against him with an army, though he was consul, what else is this than to adjudge himself a public enemy? For necessarily one or the other was an enemy: no other judgment on the opposing leaders was possible. [Necesse erat enim alterutrum esse hostem, nec poterat aliter de adversariis iudicari ducibus.]
(21) what can Antonius say but that, in keeping silence about Caesar, he confessed himself to be an enemy?
(IX.21-23) But on the saddest topics what laughter does he excite! I have committed to memory some pretty phrases of a certain edict; these he apparently thinks very acute; but I have so far not found anyone that understood what he meant.
"No insult is that which the worthy makes." [Nulla contumelia est, quam facit dignus. Sounds like he'd been hanging around certain philosophers..]
First of all, what is "worthy"? For many are worthy of misfortune, like himself. Is it the insult "made" by a man of worth? But what greater insult can there be? Again, what is the meaning of "to make insult"? Who talks like that? [Quis sic loquitur?]
Secondly, "Nor is charge of 'fear' made by an adversary anything." What then? Is a charge of fear usually made by a friend? Similar expressions follow. Would it not be better to be dumb than to say what no one understands? Mark the reason why his master [S. Clodius, A's tutor in rhetoric] has abandoned tirades for tillage, and possesses of public land two thousand acres of Leontine territory free from taxes [iugerum immunia]; it was to make a fool more fatuous still, and at the public cost.
But these matters are perhaps too trivial; what I ask is this--why he was so tame in the Senate, although in his edicts he had been so wild. [end of Cicero's leisurely speculation; back to "applied logic"]
(24) And that he might not appear to have given notice of a meeting of the Senate without cause, he was about to make a motion on State affairs, when, on receiving the news about the fourth legion, he was dumbfounded, and, in his haste to fly, cause the Senate's decree on the public thanksgiving to be passed by a division [per discessionem fecit], although that had been done before on no single occasion.
(XI.27) O Caius Caesar!--I call on the young man--what saftey have you brought the State! Safety how unlooked for! How sudden! For if the man did these things as a fugitive, what would he do if he were in pursuit? For he had declared in an harangue [contione] that he would be the city's guardian, and would keep his army by the city till the Kalends of May. What an excellent guardian of sheep, say they, is a wolf!

A market of governmental fraud operated by Anthony from Caeasr house.

(XII.30-31) What will this man do, if he once be able, in his anger, when, with no ability to show wrath against anyone, he has become the enemy of all good men? What will he not dare to do as a victor when, without gaining any victory, after Caesar's death, has committed such crimes? He has gutted Caesar's well-furnished house; pillaged his gardens; from them transferred to himself all their appointments; sought in his funeral an excuse for massacre and arson; after passing two or three good decrees of the Senate in the interests of the State has reduced everything else to a question of profit and plunder [reliquas res ad lucrum praedamque revocaverit]; sold exemptions; freed communities from tribute; taken whole provinces out of the jurisdiction of the empire of the Roman people; recalled exiles; caused false laws and false decrees in the name of Caius Caesar to be engraved on brass and posted in the Capitol, and of all those things has constituted a market in his house; [falsas leges C. Caesaris nomine et falsa decreta in aes incidenda et in Capitolio figenda curaverit earumque rerum omnium domesticum mercatum instituerit]; imposed laws on the Roman people; with armed guards shut the people and the magistrates out of the forum; surrounded the Senate with armed men; shut armed men in the shrine of Concord when he held a Senate; run off to Brundisium to the legions; of their number butchered most loyal centurions; attempted to march on Rome with an army to destroy us and portion out the city.
(XIII.32) Nor is it by arms only that he must be harassed, but also by decrees. Great is the force, great the divine majesty of a Senate with one and the same mind. [Magna est vis, magnum numen unum et idem sentientis senatus.]
(33) But, now I have gained this opportunity, I will let no moment pass, by day or night, without thought for the liberty of the Roman people and your dignity where thought is required; where action and deeds, I will not only not refuse, I will even seek and demand to act and do. This I did while I was allowed; I desisted so long as I was not allowed. Now not only is it allowed, but it is also imperative, unless we prefer to be slaves rather than to strive with weapon and spirit against slavery. [Cicero as the over-zealous bureaucrat, as a strangely attractive figure of evil? We're all figures of evil to someone, just as none of us are free of xenophobia, prejudice, everyday racism.. Here, how to do things with words (as a dictator)]

(XIV.34) Seize then, by the immortal Gods, this occasion offered you, CF, and at length remember you are the leaders of the proudest council in the world; give the Roman people a sign [Signum date] that your counsel does not fail the State, for that people declares that its courage will not fail.
(36) Nothing is more detestable than disgrace, nothing fouler than servitude. It is to glory and to liberty we were born; let us either hold fast to these or die with dignity. Too long have we veiled our feelings; now the matter is clear; all make plain on either side what they fell and what they wish.
(XV.37) On these accounts, as the tribunes of the commons have spoken to ensure the Senate's assembling in safety in the Kalends of January, and the free expression of opinion on the highest matters of State [sententiaeque de summa re publica libere dici possunt], on that matter I move [censeo]:
That Caius Pansa and Aulus Hirtius, the consuls elect, see to it that the Senate can be held in safety on the Kalends of January.. [the doomed men--remember too the speech in which Cicero saves himself from going on an embassy]

ORATIO PHILIPPICA QUARTA
(I.2-3) Caius Caesar, who, by his zeal, his policy, and lastly by the contribution of his patrimony, has protected and is protecting the State and your liberty, has been honored by the Senate with the highest commendation.[n1: Here evidently followed applause.]
(3) Much I remember, much have I heard, much, Romans, have I read [Multa memini, multa audivi, multa legi]; no such act have I ever known amid the records of all the ages.
(IV.9) But hope of rapine and plunder blind the minds of men whom no gift of property, no assignments of lands, nor that never-ending auction has sated;
(10) Yes, Romans, may the issue be according to your prayers, and may the penalty for this man's madness recoil on himself and on his family! [recidat]
(V.11) It remains for you, Romans, to persevere in the sentiments which you openly display. I shall therefore act as commanders commonly act when the line is in battle array; although they may see their soldiers absolutely prepared for battle, they yet exhort them; so will I exhort you, though you are ardent and eager to recover your liberty.
(12) You have not now to deal, Romans, with a man merely guilty and villainous, but with a monstrous and savage beast. [anything (..) Nietzsche's blond beast?]

(13) For while all things else are false and uncertain, perishable and shifting, valor alone is planted with the deepest roots; by no force can it be shaken or removed from its place. By this valor your ancestors first conquered the whole of Italy, then rased Carthage, overthrew Numantia, and reduced to allegiance to this empire kings the most powerful, and nations the msot warlike.
(VI.15) The conflict therefore, Romans, is wholly between the Roman people, the victor over all nations, and an assassin, a brigand, a Spartacus. For, as for his usual boast that he is like Cataline, he is equal to him in wickedness, but inferior in energy. The one, when he had no army, hurriedly collected one; this other has lost the army he received.
(16) As for me, so far as by thought, labor, watching, influence, and advice I shall be able to strive for and effect anything, I will leave nothing undone that I think concerns your liberty [Equidem quantum cura, labore, vigiliis, auctoritate, consilio eniti atque efficere potero, nihil praetermittam, quod ad libertatem vestram pertinere arbitrabor]; for having regard to your most generous kindnessess towards myself, it is impossible to do so without a crime.

ORATIO PHILIPPICA QUINTA
(2) And on that day, Conscript Fathers, your resolutions were such that you now have no course open to you but either an honorable peace or a necessary war.
(3) Nothing at all can be granted to a combatant; possibly there will be something to be conceded to a petitioner; but to send envoys to a man on whom thirteen days ago you passed the heaviest and severest judgment is not now a sign of levity, but--if I may give my real opinion--one of madness.
(5) first of all, the sinews of war, infinite treasure, which he now needs; in the next place, cavalry, as many as he wishes.

Capital & power; aperuero; auspices; censeo.

(6) can any relationship be closer than with that fatherland wherein even parents are included? .. But when I have revealed [aperuero] what is the issue, it will be easy for you to determine what opinion to pronounce or which to follow.

Inherent violence of capitalism likened to Zizek on unwritten laws in Mutiny on the Bounty; rest of content moved to journal. Then I settle down to read some more Baudrillard, Simulations (finally!), and it leads me to Cicero, talking about capitalism's inherent violence and cruelty reminding me of Anthony and the Zizek link to Blythe.

(7) And yet those auspices need no interpretation; for who does not know that, when Jupiter is thundering, no transaction with the people can legally be carried out?
(8) Can these laws of yours be in force without the destruction of all other laws? [concerning the Lex Caecilis Didia (98 B.C.) And the Lex Julia Licinia (62 B.C.) "Provided for the publication of all proposed laws on three market days."]
(10) For these reasons I am of opinion (censeo) that those laws which Antonius is said to have carried were all carried by violence and contrary to the auspices, and that by those laws the people is not bound.
(11) These things he asserted he was doing according to the notebooks of Caius Caesar, of which he was himself the author.
(11) and if these things are not rescinded by the authority of the Senate, now we have entered upon the hope of re-establishing the State, no semblance (imago) of a free community will be left to us.
(12) and of these very things false memorials (tabulae) were posted all over the Capitol amid the groans of the Roman people. By these means such an amount of money was heaped up in a single house that, if this sort of money were brought into the Treasury, the State would never lack money.
(16) but, as the case stands, why should I vote for the repeal of laws which I decide were not passed at all? [self-incrimination akin to Socrates' refusal of naming a lesser penalty]
(18) I cannot affirm they were surrounded by no weapons: this I asserty--those weapons were not many, and were concealed. But an array of men-at-arms used to attend this pest;
(19) But he, with a vehemence and violence meant to preclude our present habit of free speech--a freedom Lucius Piso had used with the utmost credit thirty days before--threatened me with his enmity, and bade me attend in the Senate on the nineteenth of September.
(20) in my absence vomited a speech against me from that foulest of mouths. On that day, if my friends had allowed me to come to the Senate, as I wished, he would have behun his massacre with me; for so he had resolved. And, if he had once fleshed his sword in crime, nothing would have made an end of his slaughtering but weariness and satiety; for his brother Lucius was present, that Asiatic gladiator, who had fought at Mylasa as a myrmillo; he was thirsting for our blood; much of his own had poured forth in that gladiatorial encounter. This man was estimating [like Catiline] your property; he was making a note of possessions..
(24) ungovernable as he was, passionate, insulting, arrogant, always grasping, always pillaging, always drunk.
(26) No one will ask with what mandates we sent envoys: the very name of embassy, and that one sent unsolicited, will seem a token of fear. Let him retreat from Mutina, let him cease to attack Brutus, let him depart out of Gaul: he should not be requested by words, he should be compelled by arms.
(27) (..)where shall we order our ambassadors to go if Antonius does not obey?)
(27) What difference is there, ye immortal Gods! whether he is attacking this city or an outer bastion of this city, a colony planted for the protection of the Roman people?
(30) Grant that Antonius is himself sane--and he never will be--yet these men will not allow him to be so. [overdetermined?]
(31) But let us leave out the past. Shall we add this delay too till the envoys set out? till they return? Waiting for them will bring doubt regarding the war; and if war be doubtful, what zeal (studio) can there be in a levy?
(31-32) I say that a state of tumult should be declared, a vacation of the Courts proclaimed, military garb assumed, a levy held, all exemptions from service being suspended in the city and in the whole of Italy excepting Gaul. If these measures shall be taken, the very belief and report of our stern action will overwhelm the madness of an accursed gladiator. He will feel that he has begun a way against the State; he will experience the energy and the strength of a Senate with one mind (experietur consentientis senatus nervos atque vires); for now he constantly says there is but a quarrel between parties.
(33) But this war has not been stirred up out of the strife of parties, but out of the nefarious hopes of most profligate citizens, for whom our goods and fortunes have been marked down and already distributed according to each man's notions. ["contention of spreadsheets" vs. "planned economy"]
(34) and I propose that those in the army of Marcus Antonius be not prejudiced if they leave him before the Kalends of February.
(37) This gratitude then is due to Decimus Brutus, who, without waiting for your authority, but by his own decision and judgment, refused to receive that man as a consul, but kept him out of Gaul, as being an enemy, and chose rather to be besieged himself than to see this city besieged.
(41) (..)and that of his services to the State the Senate and Roman people will be mindful, and that it is by its decree the pleasure of this order that a gilt equestrian statue to him should be erected on the rostra, or in any other place in the forum he may wish."
(47) Caius Caesar has, in opening manhood, shown that excellent and remarkable merit should not wait for the advance of age.
(47-48) those old ancestors of a long past age, had no Offices Qualification laws: it was the rivalry of candidates that many years afterwards introduced these laws that the successive candidatures might be between men of the same age. And thus a great endowment of virtue was often lost beofre it could be of service to the State.
(48) From this it can be concluded that manly spirit advances on a swifter course than that of age.
(50) For what is more foolish than to prefer unprofitable power, invidious wealth, the lust for despotism, rash and hazardous as it is, to stable and solid glory? Has he seen this as a boy, and, if he advance in age, will he not see it?

Controller of actions (moderatricem).

(50) Caesar has made the State a gift of his personal enmities; he has appointed her his judge, the controller of all his plans and actions (moderatricem omnium consiliorum atque factorum); for he has entered the service of the State only to strengthen, not to overturn her. I have within my knowledge all the feelings of the young man. Nothing is dearer to him than the State, nothing more important than your authority, nothing more desirable than the opinion of good men, nothing sweeter than genuine glory.
(53) But prompt action is necessary: had we adopted it, we should, as I have often said, be having no war.

ORATIO PHILIPPICA SEXTA
(2) Encouraged by this weighty and remarkable judgment of yours, I came into the Senate on the Kalends of Janurary bearing in mind the character imposed on me by you, which I had to sustain. [Hoc vestro iudicio tanto tamque praeclaro excitatus ita Kalendis Ianuariis veni in senatum, ut meminissem, quam personam impositam a vobis sustinerem.] [excitatus = enthused?]
(17) For what do I not owe you, Romans, I, a man of no lineage, whom you have preferred for all honors before the noblest men?
(18) You all have one opinion, one object, to avert from the State the attacks of Marcus Antonius, to quench his frenzy, to crush his audacity. All order wish the same: to the same object are bent the boroughs, the colonies, the whole of Italy. Thus you have made the Senate, already firm in its own determination, firmer by your support.
(19) The time has come, citizens, later altogether than befitten the Roman people, yet one so ripe that it cannot now be delayed an hour. There has befallen a calamity, ordained, so to speak, by Fate, which we have borne as we could; if any shall come noew it will be of our own choice. That the Roman people should be slaves is contrary to divine law; the immortal Gods have willed it to rule all nations. Matters have been brought to the utmost crisis; the issue is liberty. You must either win victory, Romans, which assuredly you will achieve by your loyalty and such unanimity; or do anything rather than be slaves. Other nations can endure slavery; the assured possession of the Roman people is liberty.

ORATIO PHILIPPICA SEPTIMA
(1) The arrangement of such matters seems an easy one, yet the mind, being in suspense because of greater cares, wanders from the question in debate.
(3) Which course then, when you are dealing with traitorous citizens, shows the more prudent caution? to punish them when you can, or to be afraid of them?
(4) And those who say this are men who, on account of their levity, were formerly called democrats. From this it can be understood that in their hearts they abhorred the sound constitution of the State, and were not democrats from inclination.
(5) Even in his case, despite our close intimacy, unless he were such a consul as devoted all his vigilance, his cares, his thoughts to the safety of the State, I would not account him a consul. [..nisi talis conul esset, ut omnes vigilias, curas, cogitationes in rei publicae salute defigeret, consulem non putarem.]
(8) [a flurrly of near-stammering?] --I speak at my peril: I shrink from the thought how you will take it, Conscript Fathers, but, considering my unfaltering desire to maintain and to increase your dignity, I ask, I beseech you, Conscript Fathers, however bitter or incredible it may be to hear it said by Marcus Cicero, first to take without offence what I shall say, and not to reject it before I explain its meaning--I--I will say it again--I, who have always been the panegyrist, always the promoter of peace, refuse to support a peace with Marcus Antonius. I enter with great hope upon the rest of my speech, Conscript Fathers, as I have passed by amid your silence the most dangerous point.
Why then do I refuse to support peace? Because it is disgraceful, because it is dangerous, because it is impossible. And while I explain these three propositions, I ask you, Conscript Fathers, to hear my words with your usual kindness. ["propositions" has been added where there is just a tria, just as "object" came to be out of nothing as well, above..]
(14) What does it matter? What the public thinks is yet the more serious thing; for that envoys have been sent all men see; the terms of our decree it is not all who know.
(15) If we cannot do this--I will speak as becomes a Senator and a Roman--let us die.
(16) But enough of disgrace. I will speak next, as I have proposed, of the danger. Though we should shrink from it less than from disgrace, yet it affects the minds of the majority of men more. [we might say that it is Cicero's words that make this reversal]
(17) whom I have called a gladiator, not in the sense in which Marcus Antonius is often so called, but in the sense of those that speak plain Latin. [quem gladiatorem non ita appellavi, ut interdum etiam M. Antonius gladiator appellari solet, sed ut appellant ii, qui plane et Latine locuntur.]
(18) But as to Marcus Antonius, will he not be the man to whom in every commotion rushes a throng of profligate citizens? [as with Cataline, the "right-wingers" fear the sub-proletariat, which oddly enough Marx prophesized would support the right!]
(19) I do not refuse peace, but war clothed with the name of peace I dread much. Wherefore, if we wish to enjoy peace, we must wage war; if we reject war we shall never enjoy peace. [vs. "cold war"]
But it is your task, Conscript Fathers, sitting here in council to provide for the future as far ahead as possible. [in posterum quam longissime providere]
(20-21) For my part, I shall not fail: I shall warn, predict, denounce, call ever on Gods and men to witness my sentiments; and I will not only guarantee my good faith, which perhaps may seem enough, but in a leading citizen is not enough: I will guarantee my care, counsel, and vigilance. [curam, consilium, vigilantiamque praestabo]
I have spoken of the danger; I will show that peace cannot even be patched up, for this is the last of my three propositions. [Hegel's sock? de tribus enim, quae proposui, hoc extremum est]
(25) Do not then wish for what cannot be, and take care in Heaven's name, Conscript Fathers, that you do not, in the hope of present peace, lose the peace that will endure.
(26) But by now we ought to be aroused, alert, ready, armed in spirit, so as not to be beguiled by some bland or submissive reply, or by a pretence of equity. He must concede all we have forbidden or enjoined before he makes any demand;
(26) If he shall do this we shall be able to discuss matters afresh; if he shall prove disobedient to the Senate, the Senate will not have declared war against him, he will have declared it against the Roman people.
(27) You personally, Pansa, I remind--though you need no counsel, for you are the surest of counsellors, still even the most competent helmsmen often do receive advice in great storms from passengers.. [gubernatores!]
(27) On the motion submitted I agree with Publius Servilius. [ending his wander]

ORATIO PHILIPPICA OCTAVA
(10) So Antonius has something to promise his followers. What have we? have we anything similar? Heaven forfend! for our object is that no man hereafter may be able to promise anything of the kind.
(16) If there be in the body anything such as to injure the rest of the body we suffer it to be cauterised and cut out, that some member, rather than the whole body, should perish; so in the body of the State, to ensure the health of the whole, let what is noxious be amputated.
(16-17) As to your statement that I am in the habit of arguing angrily, it is not so: I confess I argue with vehemence, I deny th anger; I am not at all wont to be wroth lightly with friends even when they deserve it.
(26) He demands besides "that his own and his colleague's decrees as contained in writings and note-books should remain valid."

Entering everything in notebooks. What has he done but pursued the rationalization of the instant, just as Plutarch reveals that Cicero embarked on his political career with what we can only call a rationalization of the ... ?

(28) yesterday he was entering in his note-books your votes and everything you said; [hic hesterno die sententias vestras in codicillos et omnia verba referebat]
(30) it has been the highest praise of consulrs that they were vigilant, showed presence of mind, and were always by thought, or action, or speech working somehow on behalf of the State.

ORATIO PHILIPPICA NONA
(3) But I, Conscript Fathers, interpret the feelings [interpretor senisse] of our ancestors I in the sense that they thought it was the cause of death, not its particular character, that should be examined. For when the actual embassy had brought death to any man, they wished that a monument to him should be raised, that in dangerous wars men might undertake the office of ambassador with greater boldness. We should not, therefore, search for precedents among our ancestors, but rather examine what was that policy of theirs to which the actual precedents owe their birth.
(10) Restore to him, therefore, Conscript Fathers, the life you have taken away; for the life of the dead is set in the memory of the living. Ensure that the man whom ignorantly you sent to his death shall win immortality at your hands. If by your decree you erect his statue on the rostra, no forgetfulness of posterity will could the memory of his embassy. (..) Ever will the report of all living men ennoble his dignity, steadfastness, and honor, and his pre-eminent care and prudence in the safeguarding of the State. [Semper illius gravitatem, constantiam, fidem, prudentiam omnium mortalium fama celebrabit.] Nor will there be unrecorded an admirable and marvelous and almost god-like knowledge in the interpretation of the laws, and the development of the principles of equity.
(12) And yet no brighter monument could Servius Sulpicius have left than the likeness of his own character, his virtues, steadfastness, affection, and genius [effigiem morum suorum, virtutis, constantiae, pietatis, ingenii]--than that son, whose grief can be alleviated by this honor as by no consolation besides [cuius luctus aut hoc honor vestro aut nullo solacio levari potest].
(13) To me, as I recall the many conversations I had with Servius Sulpicius in the course of our friendship, it seems that a bronze statue, and one on foot, will, if there by any consciousness in death [sensus in morte], be more pleasing to him than a gilt and equestrian one, such as was first set up for Lucius Sulla; for Servius had a wonderful liking for the moderation of our ancestors and censured the indulgence of the present age [mirifice enim Servius maiorum continentiam diligebat, huius saeculi insolentiam vituperabat].
(16) (..) and that round that statue there be a space of five feet on all sides reserved for his children and descendants to view the games and gladitorial shows, because he met his death in the service of the State, (..)

ORATIO PHILIPPICA DECIMA
(3) For on what principle, Calenus, with what purpose is it, that never since the Kalends of January have you expressed an opinion in agreement with him who calls upon you first? That the Senate has never been so full that a single Senator supported your opinion? Why are you always defending men unlike yourself? Why, when your life and fortune invite you to the enjoyment of ease and dignity, do you approve, propose, and sympathise with measures inimical to general tranquility and to your own dignity?
(5) I ask then, would you prefer him to be like Brutus or like an Antonius? And I allow you to choose which of the three Antonii you wish. "Heaven forbid!" you will say. Why then do you not support, not eulogise those whom you wish your son to resemble? For you will then at the same time consult the interest of the State and set before him examples for imitation.

Slip of tongue.

(5-6) You said, and that from a written draft--else I should imagine you had made a slip for want of a word [did I not know your readiness of speech]--you said the letter of Brutus seemed written "well and regularly." What is this but the praise of Brutus' secretary, not of Brutus? [Ita enim dixisti, et quidem de scripto (nam te inopia verbi lapsum putarem [nisi tuam in dicendo facultatem nossem]), litteras Bruti recte et ordine scriptas videri. Quid est aliud librarium Bruti laudare, non Brutum?] You ought to have by now, Calenus--as you well may--great experience in State affairs. When have you seen such a decree? Or in what Senatorial resolution of this kind--they have been innumerable--a decree by the Senate that letters have been well written? The phrase did not escape you, as often happens, by accident; you brought it in writing, thought out and pondered. [Quod verbum tibi no excidit, ut saepe fit, fortuito; scriptum, meditatum, cogitatum attulisti.]
(6) converse with that wisest of men, your son-in-law, oftener than with yourself--then at length will you win a name of the fullest distinction.
(7) And here of the god-like and immortal exploit of Brutus I will say nothing; it is enshrined in the grateful remembrance of all, though not yet attested by public authority. [quae gratissima memoria omnium civium inclusa nondum publica auctoritate testata est.]
(18) What plague is the meaning of this constantly opposing the best of causes with the name of the veterans? [Quae, malum! est ista ratio semper optimis causis veteranorum nomen opponere?]
(19) if the purposes of this our order are governed by the nod of the veterans, and all our sayings and doings are regulated according to their will, I should choose death, which to Roman citizens has always been preferable to slavery.
(20) For life does not consist in breath: it does not exist at all in the slave. [Non enim in spiritu vita est, sed ea nulla est omnino servienti.] All other nations can bear slavery; our community cannot, and for no other reason than that other nations shun toil and pain, and, to be free from these, can endure all things; but we have been so trained and our minds so imbued by our ancestors as to refer all out thoughts and acts to the standard of honor and virtue. [nos ita a maioribus instituti atque imbuti sumus, ut omnia consilia atque facta ad dignitatem et ad virtutem referremus.]

Meditations on imperitos, clowns and rustics as unthought Roman philosophy.

Looking back on this again the next day, I notice the imperitos have been seduced by the unlimited frontier, not (as I had assumed at first, not reading or thinking very carefully about it) Antonius.

(22) And Saxa and Cafo are tampering with ignorant men, being clowns and rustics themselves, who have never seen, and do not wish to see, the State established, men who defend the acts, not of Caesar, but of Antonius, whom the unlimited possession of Campanian land has seduced, though I much wonder that they are not ashamed of it when they see they have mimes, male and female, as neighbors. [Et sollicitant homines imperitos Saxa et Cafo, ipsi rustici atque agrestes, qui hanc rem publicam nec viderunt umquam nec videre constitutam volunt, qui non Caesaris, sed Antoni acta defendunt, quosavertit agri Campani infinita possessio; cuius eos non pudere demiror, cum videant se mimos et mimas habere vicinos.] [tampering because themselves ignorant (of the Roman need to establish the State; for us, we fail to notice the present continuous sense of ipsirustici atque agrestes, qui hanc rem publicam nec viderunt umquam nec videre constitutam volunt) and therefore needed to be passed over:

ORATIO PHILIPPICA UNDECIMA
(2) Here you find a pair of twins in wickedness, unprecedented, unheard of, fierce, barbarous. [Ecce tibi geminum in scelere par, invisitatum, inauditum, ferum, barbarum.]
(3) All of us whose sentiments of State affairs are those of free men [qui libere de re publica sensimus -- how does it compare with "Only where the State ends.."?], who have expressed opinions that become us, who have wished the Roman people to be free, he has determined to be, not merely unfriendly, but his enemies. But he contemplates greater punishments against us than against an enemy; death he regards as a penalty due to nature, but that to anger [iracundiae] belong torment and tortures.
(6) This is the enemy with whom we must war, one by whose savage cruelty all barbarism has been surpassed.
(6) You see in Dollabella the image of the cruelty of Marcus Antonius; on him it has been modelled; it is from him Dollabella's schooling in villainy has been received. Do you think Antonius, if he be allowed, will be more lenient in Italy than Dolabella was in Asia? To me indeed it seems, both that Dolabella has advanced as far as the madness of a savage [progredi potuerit feri hominis amentia] could go, and that, given the power, here is no punishment of which Antonius will forgo the exaction of even a fragment. [that is, he'll go to the extreme of the wild beast whose behavior we cannot educate-to-civiility (Clarke on Cicero) for the sake of accumulating capital!]
Set therefore before your eyes, Conscript Fathers, that picture, wretched and tearful as it is, yet one necessary to stir our feelings: the night attack on the finest city of Asia; the irruption of armed men into Trebonius' house, when that wretched man saw the brigands' swords before he heard what the matter was.. [Ponite igitur ante oculous, patres conscripti, miseram illam quidem et flebilem speciem, sed ad incitandos nostros animos necessariam..][I wrote "Marx" in the margin, obviously thinking about the depiction of reality]
(7) For it is the part of a wise man to resolve beforehand that whatever can happen to a man should be borne calmly if it shall befall him. It needs altogether greater judgment [consilii] to provide against such evil happening, and no less courage to bear it with fortitude if it shall befall. [including protecting oneself against the loss of data, and/or the anger-that-costs-soul its occurance tends to generate--a good lesson of/for APPLIED LOGIC]
(9) More wretched then is he who incurs the guilt of a crime than he who is compelled to undergo the misdeed of another. Trebonius was tortured by Dolabella, and Regulus too by the Carthaginians; and since on that account the Carthaginians have been adjudged most cruel in the case of an enemy, in the case of a citizen what should be our judgment of Dolabella? Can we really make here any comparison, or doubt which is the more wretched? [Okay. Is it alright to go from a mythical/legendary argument-form to the conclusion that Dolabella ought to be warred upon? Forget not the McC thread, of the failed comparison only strengthening the certainty of "which is the more wretched"--i.e., that not only do we know who is more wretched, following the reasoning above, of the set {Trebonius, Regulus, the Carthaginians, or Dolabella} but also that it's easy to decide--despite once again my own fascization, my leap, due to my ignorance of Roman history..]
(10) Warned by his example, let us more diligently and more watchfully beware of Antonius.
For Dolabella had not with him so many notorious and manifest brigands; but you see whom Antonius has, and how many they are.
(13) What more? Do you not set before your eyes those luminaries of Marcus Antonius' camp? First of all the two colleagues of the Antonii and Dolabella, Nucula and Lento, the parcellers of Italy under the law which the Senate declared carried by violence, of whom the one has composed mimes, the other has acted in a tragedy [Italiae divisores lege ea, quam senatus per vim latam iudicavit; quorum alter commentatus est mimos, alter egit tragoediam].
(13n3) Connection with the stage was, as a rule, regarded with contempt.
(13) for we see a new bill avenging the clean bill. [vindicem enim novarum tabularum novam tabulam videmus.]
(13n1) A play on the meaning of tabula; tabulae novae (new account books)=a cancellation of debts; tabula=an auction-catalogue. T. had offended debtors by opposing a remission of debts: cf. Phil. vi. 4. C. makes the same pun in Cat. 2. 8 (tabulae novae proferentur, verum auctionariae).
(20) But to a private person, unoccupied and doing nothing--I beg you to tell me, Lucius Caesar, for I have to deal with a man well versed in precedents--when has the Senate ever given command?
(22-23) But, if it were possible, I would wish you had even several minds, that you might direct them all towards Mutina. Since that cannot be, we wish you with the most excellent and loyal mind you possess only to think of Brutus. That indeed you are doing, and with the greatest application, as I understand, but two things, above all, two great ones, one man can, I do not say, transact at the same time, but even think out with clearness. [duas tamen res(..)non modo agere uno tempore, sed ne cogitando quidem explicare quisquam potest.] We should excite and kindle that most excellent zeal of yours, and not transfer it to some other task in any direction. [example of double criss-cross ambiguity of Heidegger: [when the English translation leads us to bring the two patches together (xunienai ta legomena = intellegit), for we fail to recognize their true (parental) nature, and rush ahead with our own designs = HVEM] returning to the origins of one's commencement, if a philosopher; getting back to work, if a not-philosopher. The question, of course, might easily devolve to a dialeg(..)al backdrop (..) the circumstances, such as in the unwritten third division of , therefore necessitating that the reader commit at least provisionally to some system PHI-LAMBDA from whose perspective each circumstance's example, 'quintessential instance', makes sense. (I know not a more felicitous way of saying this.)]

(24) But if provinces seem to consuls desirable things--as they have often been desired by the noblest men--first restore to us Brutus, the light and ornament of the community, who should be preserved as carefully as that statue which fell down from heaven, and is kept in the custody of Vesta, and whose safety means we also shall be safe.
(26) We require, Conscript Fathers, a man unengaged and ready; one that has a legitimate command, and authority besides, a name, an army, and a spirit proved in the liberation of the State. [State = re publica due to the preposition "in" under whose [symbolic] law "re publica" appears--elide the space and you have our familiar word "republic"]
(26) I should propose simply, as often is done, "in the case of consuls, on or both," had we not tied Brutus to Greece.. [it might be fun to logicize this argument] If Brutus is drawn away from there to another war, we shall certainly have lost Greece.
(27) For we must in such a general upturn and confusion follow the times rather than precedents.
(28) Under what law? By what right? By that which Jupiter himself has sanctioned, that all things salutary for the State should be held as lawful and right; for law is nothing else but a principle of right derived from the will of the Gods, commanding what is honest, forbidding the contrary. This was the law, then, Cassius obeyed when he set out into Syria, a province that, if men obeyed written laws, belonged to another, but that, when these had been overthrown, was his by the law of nature.
(35) His [Caius Cassius] greatest and especial achievement I pass over; for as the mention of it is not yet welcome to all, let us perpetuate it by the testimony of memory rather than of speech. [seems to imply the too are not identity or necessarily connected?]
(39) I think we should regard not so much the veterans as what the recruits, the flower of Italy, what the new legions now fully ready to liberate their country, what the whole of Italy feels regarding your firmness. For nothing is for ever flourishing; age succeeds age.
(39-40) Accordingly, to these rewards have been promised, to the others they have been paid. Let those others enjoy what they have, to these let there be paid the rewards we have promised; for that, my hope,is, the immortal Gods adjudge to be most equitable. [we hear H's caution but don't bother reading Latin PHI to find such cases--id enim deos immortales spero aequissimum iudicare.]
In these circumstances, I think, Conscript Fathers, that the proposal I made to you should be affirmed. [Quae cum ita sint, eam, quam dixi, sententiam vobis, patres conscripti, censeo comprobandum.][Here's doing something with words weaving the symbolic fiction that is the Law--the law that is understood by the Senators and the "mathematically smart" Roman people, though perhaps transparent (nevertheless efficacious, seeming therefore to behave more like a spectral agency) to those who are "simple."

ORATIO PHILIPPICA DUODECIMA
(1) Though it seems most unseemly, Conscript Fathers, that a man, to whose advice on most important matters you often assent, should be deceived, cajoled, should err, yet I console myself as it is in your company and together with a consul of the greatest wisdom that I have erred.
(2) But you, CF, did not appear so much to be forgetful of your most weighty decrees as, when there came the hope of a surrender which his friends would prefer to call a peace, to contemplate the imposition, not the acceptance, of conditions. [quam spe allata deditionis, quam amici pacem appellare mallent, de imponendis, non accipiendis legibus cogitare.]
(3) But if substitutes [vicarii] were commonly allowed in war, I would gladly suffer myself to be shut in instead of him so that Decimus Brutus might be let out.
(4) By Hercules, CF, you must stoutly strive to lose your own dignity, which is very great, and maintain that of Antonius, which neither exists nor can exist, that he may by your means recover what by himself he has renounced! If he were abject in his negotiations with you, I perhaps would listen to him, though--but I prefer to say "I would listen to him." While he stands firm, you must resist him, or together with your dignity you must resign your liberty.
(6) Who would not marvel that you should go to him as an envoy? I argue from my own experience: I feel how my course of action, identical with yours, is blamed. Are we the only ones blamed? What! Was it without cause that the bravest of men, Pansa, just now made such a precise and lengthy speech? What did he intend but to ward off from himself a suspicion of treachery? And what did that suspicion spring from? From the hasty advocacy of peace which he suddenly adopted, being taken in by the same error as ourselves.
(8) [SHAME]repeats(..)we are shamed before that most loyal army composed of the two legions, which has been already reviewed, and has set out of Mutina; for if it hear the name of peace, that is, of our fear, though it may not retreat, it will assuredly halt. For why, when the Senate's trumpet sounds the recall should it hasten to fight?
(9) do you think they wish for peace? They seek to conquer, and have desired to win that sweetest and fairest name of peace, not by bargaining, but by victory.
(12) We have decided that false decrees of the Senate have been entered at the Treasury; can we decide that they were genuine? We have resolved that laws have been proposed by violence and in defiance of the auspices, and that by them neither the whole people nor the commons are bound; do you think they can be upheld? You have decided that Antonius has embezzled seven hundred millions of sesterces of public money; can he be acquitted of peculation? Exemptions from taxation for communities, priestly offices, thrones, have by him been put up for sale; shall those advertisements be again posted up which you by your decrees have torn down? [Here! Here! If you dare, start talking about the rules, unwritten and most assuredly written (though tough and costly to interpret, to even comprehend), which regulate the "free market" and, more importantly, support it through taxes..]
VI. But if we can rescind our decrees, can we also expunge the memory of the facts? For when will any future generation forget by whose crime it was we have worn this unseemly garb?
(13-14) By force of arms we now hold the mastery of all things; in authority we are at the strongest; a host of abandoned citizens are away from Rome, having followed their nefarious leader; none the less to see and listen to those of their number that are left in the city we find intolerable. What think you? [Quid censetis?] When so many of them shall have burst in on us at once, when we have laid down our arms while they have not laid down theirs, shall we not by our own policy be beaten eternally?
(14-15) He said he would depart from Italy, would abandon his household Gods and his paternal home, if--may the Gods already have averted the omen!--Antonius had crushed the State.
VII. I ask you therefore, Lucius Piso, would you not think the State was crushed if so many disloyal, audacious, guilty men were admitted back?
(17) And this not only in the Senate; I always took the same line before the people; and not only against Antonius himself have I always inveighed, but also against his abettors and agents in crime, both those here and those with him, in a word against the whole house of Marcus Antonius.
(19) But if you are not concerned about Antonius, you ought, CF, at least to consider me. At any rate spare my eyes, and make some allowance for a just grief.
(20-21) I cannot see with equamimity so many savage, wicked enemies, and that not because of any squeamishness on my part, but from love to the State.
But I will control my feelings and command myself; my most just grief, if I cannot crush it, I will conceal. What! CF, do you not think I should take some concern for my life?
(21-22) to you and to the Roman people my life should not be cheap. For I am one, unless perhaps I deceive myself, who, by my vigils, anxieties, votes, aye, and by the many perils I have face on account of the most bitter hatred towards me of all disloyal men, have contrived not to be harmful to the State--for I would not seem to speak too arrogantly. This being so, do you think I should have no thought of my danger?
(23) There are three ways, as I have said; by the higher sea the Flamminian; by the lower the Aurelian; in the middle the Cassian. Now attend, I pray you, and consider whether my suspicion of dangers errs from probability [a coniectura].
(24) X. Shall I entrust myself to these roads who lately at the Terminalia did not dare, though I was to return the same day, to go into the suburbs? (..) So if I may, I will remain in the city. Here is my place; here I keep watch; here I stand sentinel; here I have my fixed garrison.
(24) No man is less timid than I, yet no man is more cautious. Facts are eloquent. It is now twenty years that every villain makes me his single aim.
(25) But there are some who say--a harsh saying indeed, yet they say it--that we should grieve the less because he [Trebonius] was not on his guard against a foul criminal, for wise men say that he who professes to be the guard of many should first of all be the guard of his own life. When you are fenced round by the laws and awe of the lawcourts, one need not be afraid of anything, or look for a guard against every kind of ambush; for who in broad daylight, or on a military road, or when a man was well attended or of high position, would dare to make an attack?
(26) Shall I be able to do the same in the by-paths of the Apennines, where, even if there are no ambushes--as there may be very easily--yet my mind will be anxious, and so unable to attend to the duties of the embassy?
(28) But if we do not meet outside the camp, what camp shall be selected for the conference? He will never come into ours, much less shall we go into his. It remains that demands should both be received and dispatched by letter; so we shall be in our own camps.
(30) Let my life then be guarded for the State, and let it be preserved, so far as honor or nature shall allow, for my country; let death either follow the inevitable decree of Fate, or if it must be met before, let it be met with glory.
(30) In all things, CF, I will gauge the whole policy of this matter, not by my own danger, but by the advantage of the State; and as to that, since there is ample time, I think that much should be taken into consideration again and again; and that particular course adopted which I shall judge to be most of all in the interest of the State.


ORATIO PHILIPPICA TERTIA DECIMA
(1) From the beginning of this war, CF, which we have undertaken against disloyal and abandoned citizens, I have feared lest some insidious negotiation for peace should quench our zeal for the recovery of liberty. For the very name of peace allures, while peace itself brings not only delight but safety.
(2) There is then nothing fouler than such a citizen, than such a man, if we can regard either as a citizen or as a man one who desires civil war.
(6) What says Wisdom? She employs more cautious counsels, she looks to the future, she is in every respect more guarded. What then is her opinion? For we must obey, and regard that conclusion as best that is founded most on Wisdom's precepts. If this be her precept, that I should think nothing of more consequence than my life, should not contend at the peril of my life, should avoid all risk, I will ask her: "Even when, if I do so, I must be a slave?" If she say "Aye," verily to that Wisdom, however learned she may be, I will not hearken. But if she reply: "Nay, do thou guard they life and person, they fortunes, thy private possessions, but only as ranking them after liberty [ut haec libertate posteriora ducas itaque his uti velis], and only as desiring their enjoyment if it can be had in a free State, and not sacrificing liberty for these, but for the sake of liberty flinging them away as if they were very guarantees of injustice,"--then should I seem to hear the voice of Wisdom, and would obey her as a God.
(10) In the next place, CF, which of you, I entreat you, does not see what Fortune herself, though she is called blind, has seen?
(16-17) VII. But there is a risk of our being crushed. I am not afraid that a man who cannot enhoy his most ample fortune except with the safety of good men should betray his own safety. Nature in the first place makes good citizens, in the next, Fortune helps them; for it is the interest of all good men that the State should be safe; but it is in those that are fortunate this is more apparent.
(17) (..)when Antonius, by placing a diadem on Caesar's head, chose to be that man's slave rather than his colleague. Had he been able to refrain from all his other outrages and crimes, yet, on account of this action alone, I should think him worthy of any punishment.
(17) if his boyhood had suffered the lusts of those that were tyrants over him, was he also to set up over our children a master and a tyrant?
(19) --of Caesar whom that madman then thought he was hurting by edicts, not realising that whatever false charges he was aiming at that most modest of young men in truth recoiled on the memory of his own boyhood. He entered the city, and with what a following, or rather line of battle! When, amid the groans on right and left of the Roman people, he threatened householders, marked their houses, and openly promised to portion out the city among his supporters.
(19) (..)and all of them were recorded faster than they were drafted!
(22) X. But if any man has so far been capable of a doubt whether any communion of this our order and the Roman people with that most outrageous beast can possibly exist, let him assuredly cease to doubt when he has heard this letter which I have just received from Hirtius the consul. While I read it, and briefly comment on it clause by clause, I beg you, CF, as you have hitherto done, to hear me with attention. [Eas dum recito dumque de singulis sententiis breviter disputo..me attente audiatis.] [collect the whole letter; think about C's method of analysis and interpretation..]
(25) Do you dare to call the man a she-poisoner who has discovered a remedy [ANALYSIS!] for your poisonings? Whom, you new Hannibal (or any other cleverer general), you are besieging so as really to be besieging yourself, without the power, if you wished, of extricating yourself from that position?
(30) Why should I mention the rest of those most illustrious men? You know them all. I am more afraid of your thinking me tedious in enumerating them than of your thinking me ungrateful in passing them over.
(36) "You write that mention has been made of peace in the Senate, and that the envoys are five consulars. It is difficult to believe that those who drove me headlong though I was offering most equitable terms--and even so thinking of yielding as to some of them--to imagine they will do anything moderate or humane. It is hardly likely too that those who adjudged Dolabella an enemy on account of a most just deed can at the same time spare me who am of the same sentiments."
Does it seem a small thing that he confesses he has entered into a partnership with Dolabella in all his acts? Do you not see that from the one fount well all the crimes? He himself in fact confesses--and shrewdly enough indeed--that those who declared Dolabella an enemy on accout "of a most just deed"--as it seems to Antonius--cannot spare him who has the same sentiment.
XVIII. What would you do with a man who has put to the record of a letter [qui hoc litteris memoriaeque mandarit] his arrangement with Dolabella that he should slay Trebonius with tortures, and, if he could, Brutus and Cassius too, and that he himself should hold the same punishment over our heads? Oh, a citizen to be preserved along with a treaty so righteous and so just!
(39) We sufficiently avenged the death of Trebonius when Dolabella was adjudged an enemy; Caesar's death is most easily defended by oblivion and silence. But mark his object. When he thinks the death of Caesar should be avenged he proposes death not only for the perpetrators of that deed, but also for those who did not resent it.
XIX. "For whichever of us falls those enemies will profit. Such a spectacle Fortune herself so far has avoided, that she might not see two armies of one body fighting with Cicero as trainer, who is so far fortunate that he has deceived you with the same flowers of speech with which he boasted Caesar was deceived."
(43) Lepidus wished to win you from your frenzy, not to abet your insanity. You, moreover, seek friends among not merely the loyal, but among the "loyalest," [piissimos] and, though the word does not exist at all in the Latin language [lingua Latina], you in your divine loyalty introduce a new one.
(45) XX. But now he pulls himself up, and at the end begins to philosophize [philosophari]:
"If, as I tread the path of an upright purpose, the immortal Gods shall, as I hope, assist me, I will gladly live. But if another fate awaits me, I anticipate joyfully the punishments you will suffer. For if, when conquered, Pompeians are so insolent, what they will be as conquerors it is you rather who will discover."
Anticipations of joys you may have; for yours is a war, not against "Pompeians," but with the universal State. All Gods and men, highest, middle, and lowest ranks, citizens and foreigners, men and women, freemen and slaves, hate you. [Omnes te di, homines, summi, medii, infimi, cives, peregrini, viri, mulieres, liberi, servi oderunt.]
(46) And hereby the young Caesar has proved himself greater, and to have been born by the greater kindness of the immortal Gods for the service of the State, in that he has never been beguiled by any phantom of his father's name [nulla specie paterni nominis], or by filial feeling, and understands that the greatest duty of a son consists in the preservation of his fatherland.
(47) But what parties are here when to the one side the authority of the Senate, the liberty of the Roman people, and the safety of the State are set as objects, to the other the massacre of good men and the partition of the city and of Italy? [could this have been the thought of Native Americans, in some phase/manner? HOW to think more than one thing at once w/o fascization?]
(48-49) This letter, CF, I have read, not because I thought him worthy that I should, but that by the man's own confessions you might see all his treasons laid open. [somewhere along the line of study that culminates in "unthought" or "unconscious"?]

ORATIO PHILIPPICA QUARTA DECIMA
(605, Introduction) battle 15 April(..)This was the first battle of Mutina, in which the Consul Pansa was mortally wounded.
A false report that Antonius had gained a victory struct the utmose panic into the city. At the same time the Antonian party joined in a conspiracy to seize the Capitol, murder Cicero, and massacre their opponents. A false report was also spread that Cicero was aiming at the dictatorship, and would appear in public preceded by the fasces.

(606, Introduction) On the 27th was fought the second battle of Mutina, in which Antonius was routed and the other consul, Hirtius, slain.
(3) But do you, CF, preserve your authority, abide by your determination; keep in your memories, as you have often made plain, that the issue of all this war centers in the life of a single most valiant and eminent man.
(4) [Caesar] has set out to relieve the same Brutus, and has overcome some pain on private grounds by his love of his country.
(6) But since your manner sufficiently declares your feeling on this matter, I will come to the letter that has arrived from the consuls and the propraetor, if I may first say a few words which are pertinent to the actual letter.
(7-9) You decree a thanksgiving; an enemy you do not call him. Truly welcome will be our thanks, welcome our victims, to the immortal Gods when there has been slain a multitude of citizens! "Yes," he says, "for the victory over unprincipled and audacious men"; for that is the name the most illustrious Senator [P. Servilius] give them. Such adjectives (Quae sunt) belong to urban law-suits, they are not the marks that brand internecine war. They are forging wills, I imagine, or are ejecting their neighbors, or cheating striplings; for it is men affected with these vices and such like whom it is customary to call "bad" or "audacious." The one most savage of all brigands is carrying on an inexpiable war against four consuls; he is waging the same war against the Senate and the Roman people; all men--though the evil he works is to his own ruin--he threatens with destruction, devastation, tortures, and racks; Dolabella's brutal and savage deed, one that no barbarous people could acknowledge, he testifies was committed by his advice; and what he would have attempted in this city, had not this our Jupiter himself repelled him from this temple and our walls, he has shown in the calamity he brought upon the citizes of Parma. There most excellent and honest men, bound by the closest ties to maintain the authority of this order and the dignity of the Roman people, were put to death in the most cruel ways by that vile wretch and monster Lucius Antonius, that mark for the hatred of all men, or--if the Gods too hate those they should hate--of the Gods as well. My mind recoils, CF, and dreads to utter what Lucius Antonius did to the children and wives of the men of Parma. For the infamies to which the Antonii willingly submitted to their own disgrace, they rejoice to have inflicted by violence on others. But the violence they offered them is disastrous: shameful the lust with which the life of the Antonii is stained. Is there then any man not bold enough to call these men enemies, by whose crimes he admits the cruelty of the Carthaginians has been surpassed?

Continuting the rationalization thread with ten-foot rule.

(10) But if he is without any doubt the enemy of the colonies and boroughs, what think you is he towards this city which he has lusted for to glut the indigence of his brigandage, the city which that skilled and cunning surveyor Saxa had already apportioned by his ten-foot rule? [quam iam peritus metator et callidus decempeda sua Saxa diviserat?]
(10) Do we hesitate to call enemies the authors of these fears? If any suggest a harsher name, I will gladly assent to it; with the usual word I am scarcely content; a milder one I will not use. [Gravius si quis attulerit nomen, libenter adsentiar; hoc vulgari contentus vix sum, leviore non utar.]
(11) But my first task shall be to call them Imperators by whose valor, judgment and good fortune we have been rescued from the utmost perils of slavery and death. For to whom these twenty years has a thanksgiving been decreed without his being called Imperator, though his exploits may have been very small or sometimes none at all? Wherefore a thanksgiving should either not have been proposed by the previous speaker, or the customary and recognised honor should be awarded to those to whom even new and special ones are due.
(13) For that, and that only, is in my opinion a true and genuine triumph when, to those that have deserved well of the State, testimony is borne by the unanimous voice of the community.
(14) For you know that during the last few days there has been a widely spread rumor that at the Parilia--that is, to-day--I proposed to come down into the Forum with the fasces.
(15) they proposed to bring the fasces to me with their own hands. When this had been done, as it were, with my consent, then an attack on me, as against a tyrant, by hired bravoes [just like Casear, after the crowning by Antony] was organised; after which a massacre of you all would have followed. This plot the event, CF, has laid bare; but in proper time the fountain-head of all this wickedness shall be disclosed.
(17) I have interposed [Haec interposui] these remarks, CF, not so much as an apology for myself--for I should be in a poor way if I were insufficiently exculpated in your eyes without a defence--as that I might advise, as I have always done, certain persons of too puny and narrow a spirit [quam ut quosdam nimis ieiuno animo et angusto monerem, id quod semper ipse fecissem, uti excellentium civium virtutem imitatione dignam, non invidia putarent.] to regard the virtue of excellent citizens as worthy of imitation, not of envy. Great is the field open in the State, as Crassus used wisely to say; many are they for whom the path to fame is open. [he really thought MA was doing it for fame, or he really wanted to argue under this sign?]
(18) But if anyone is anxious to compete for leadership--and there should be no such competition--he acts most foolishly if he compete with virtue by means of vice; for, as speed is overcome by speed, so in brave men virtue is overcome by virtue. [ut enim cursu cursus, sic in viris fortibus virtus virtute superatur. A logic we can't quite comprehend, or one that, from the viewpoint of our superior reasoning abilities, appears childish and incorrect? Yet we've also stumbled upon Heidegger's fantasy-presentation of Nietzsches' logic of power, although in a 'naive' form..]
(19) That the Roman people sees this, remarks it, and judges of it certain persons are annoyed. Could it be that men should not judge of each man according to each man's deserts? For as of the Senate as a whole the Roman people most truly judges that at no period of the State has this order been more firm or more courageous, so concerning each of us, and most of all us who on this bench express our opinions, all men enquire, and long to hear what each man's opinion was, and thus they think of each one according to their view of his deserts. [ita de quoque, ut quemque meritum arbitrantur, existimant.] They keep in mind (..)
(20) (..)that I since the Kalends of January to this hour have watched over the State; that my house and my ears have been open day and night to the advice and warnings of all men; that by my letters, my messengers, and my encouragements, all men, wherever they might be, have been stirred up to guard their country; (..) So that I, who on every occasion had been the adviser of genuine peace, was hostile to this name of a pestillent "peace."
(21) Had the consuls been willing to allow these proposals of mine to go to a division, by the very authority of the Senate the weapons of those brigands would long since have fallen from their hands.
VIII. But what was then not allowed, CF, is at this time not only allowed, but also imperative, that those who are enemies in fact should be branded in plain terms, and declared by our votes to be enemies. [need for Common Knowledge to be (..)&~have to depend on other agencies (..) the "right-wing" SYMBOLIC FICTION]
(22) He who just now proposed a thanksgiving at the same time unconsciously [imprudens] declared them to be enemies; for a thanksgiving has never been decreed in civil war.
(24) For when I was consul the thanksgiving decreed to me, though there had been no armed conflict, was not on account of the slaughter of enemies, but on account of the preservation of citizens, and by a new and unprecedented procedure [novo et inaudito genere].
Wherefore you must either publicly refuse our generals a thanksgiving though they demand it for their most successful exploits--a thing that has happened to no one but Gabinius--or by decreeing a thanksgiving you must necessarily declare [iudicetis necesse est] those to be enemies against whom you make your decree.
(29) I propose, therefore, in the name of those three, a public thanksgiving of fifty days; the reasons, in the most complimentary terms I can, I will include in the vote itself.
(30-31) what is more admirable, and greater, and most incumbent on a wise Senate, is to accompany with grateful memory the valor of those that have been prodigal of their lives for their country's sake. Would that more ideas in their honor occurred to my mind!
(31) XII. It is therefore my wish, CF, that to the soldiers of the Martian legion, and to those that, fighting by their side, have fallen, there be raised a monument in the noblest possible shape.
(32) Brief is the life given us by nature; but the memory of life nobly resigned is everlasting. And if that memory had been no longer than this life of ours, who would be so mad as, by the greatest labor and peril, to strive for the utmost height of honor and glory? [Brevis a natura vita nobis data est, at memoria bene redditae vitae sempiterna. Quae si non esset longior quam haec vita, quis esset tam amens, qui maximis laboribus et periculis ad summam laudem gloriamque contenderet?][Do we translate tolma with audacia here, as the dictionary suggests? But then the philosopher does not undertake the daring threefold, simultaneous investigation of being, non-being, and appearance, whatever that might be! Specialization or jack-of-all-trades? By Cicero's time politics had sufficiently separated itself from philosophy that the question became unthought due to the requirements of the formers "mathematics" (technique & science.]
(38) that there may be extant, to the everlasting memory of posterity, a record of the crime of our most cruel enemies, and of the Heaven-inspired valor of our soldiers;

Cicero. Philippics, translated by <translator>.